S.A.Register 3 June 1891 p7 f, g

The Womens's suffrage question. Deputation to the Prime Minister

A large deputation from the Women's Suffrage League waited upon the Prime Minister (Hon. T. Playford) on Tuesday afternoon to ask that the Government would make the Women's Suffrage Bill a Government measure in the coming session of Parliament. Mr. R. CALDWELL , M. P., introduced the deputation and said that he had to apologize for the nonattendance of Dr. Cockburn, M. P., and Dr. Stirling. The object of the deputation was to endeavour to persuade the Government to adopt as part of their policy the Constitution Amendment Bill, which was introduced to Parliament during last session, and the principle of which was affirmed by the House of Assembly. When sent on to the Legislative Council the measure was received more favourably than they had reason to expect at first. The feeling was so pronounced in favour of the principle that in a House of thirteen members only one dissentient voice was heard against it. Had there been a larger attendance they had reason to think that by this time it would have received the assent of Her Majesty's Government. He had to thank the Prime Minister on behalf of the Women's Suffrage League and the public for the support which the Government had previously given the measure. Had it not been for the very valuable support which the Playford Government had rendered to himself and others who were working with him, the measure would not have had so successful a time in the Legislature. There had been a steady wave of progress so far as the extension of women's suffrage was concerned, which was unmistakably evidenced not only in Australia but in other parts of the world. South Australia had set noble examples in many reforms, and other countries were watching with great interest what was being done here. The principle of women's suffrage was most sound, and would tend to endear the people to the Government and accord justice to all classes of the community irrespective of sects. The Women's Suffrage Bill was confined to the representatives of property, and he was not aware that the deputation would ask the Government to go further than at present proposed. The establishment of reforms should be gradual and it was only a matter of time before the extension of the franchise to women would be adopted in a more pronounced manner than they were now attempting to secure. To his mind no more fitting tribute could be paid to Her Majesty the Queen and to her long and useful reign, than for her to know that in one of the most loyal of her colonies during the concluding years of her reign, the principle upon which the foundation of the throne was unmistakably built was acknowledged, viz., the recognition of justice.

Mrs. MARY LEE, [Secretary of the League] said that the League looking at the progress of events considered that the time had arrived for this question to be dealt with. A paternal Government had undertaken to educate the people, it had placed in their hands the keys to all knowledge — the three Rs; it had awakened but it had also excited discontent; it had set in motion forces that it might not arrest; they might as well attempt to fling a lasso over the neck of a whirlwind as to attempt to arrest the forces in this colony; the education of the people had been set in motion. What then? To the Prime Minister she would say guide them; seize the reins with a firm, farseeing, statesmanlike hand; keep well in advance, and do not run the risk of being run down. They had asked for the suffrage for many years, and they again asked for equal laws, fairly administered. They felt they had the right to it. They had been told that women were not asking for it, but as a matter of fact, the intelligence of the country, male and female, now demanded it. The women of the colony did not make speeches in public, but they made speeches at their own fireside, and these speeches would be found to have a very strong effect upon the future generation. The mother made the man. At the mother's knee the man learnt loyalty to his country, its laws and institutions, or distrust and contempt for its laws and institutions if the mother was dissatisfied or unfairly treated. They wanted the Prime Minister to consider the question, to take it under his own charge, and make it law. They owed a great deal to the gifted President of the Suffrage League (Dr. Stirling) and to Mr Caldwell for his efforts on behalf of the women. They were indebted to those who voted for them, but they were not indebted to those who had voted against them. These gentlemen brought argument to bear against the matter but they could not bring intellect. The League had the chivalry and intelligence of both Houses with them. She would say — "Let the historic foot which had left its print upon every advancing step of the colony during the last twenty-six years be put down once more and say that the South Australian women shall be free." (Hear, hear.)

Miss MARTIN considered that it was hardly necessary to go into the rights of the question. That had already been fully shown. The provision of the English constitution that without representation there must not be taxation was enough to show the right of what they asked. Unequal laws had to be made to prevent women having their right. The women paid their taxes and cared a great deal about their own country and wished to have the power to support the men they approved of and the power to show their disapprobation of men of whom they disapprove. In a country where universal suffrage prevailed it was unwise to leave out one half of the intelligence of the State. Why democracy had not been so successful as it should have been was that the class who had the greatest amount of economy and prudence was left out of the constituency. In Wyoming women had the suffrage, and in that State they had not any debt, and if she had a vote she would try to reduce the amount of debt which at present weighed the colony down. The great argument against them was that women did not want the vote. That the argument was used was true, but it would be altered under the influence of education. The conservatism which women would exercise in voting would be a drag upon the hurried and hasty spirit of democracy. Then if some of the women did not want a vote they need not exercise their franchise. Those who got the vote and used it would not "hunt" other women to the poll. It would be a great advantage if the Government took the measure up. The time was ripe for the movement, and now a great many of their supporters considered that it was time to put every woman, whether she had property or not, upon a proper footing and not class them with lunatics and criminals.

The PRIME MINSTER — Do you want to serve on Juries?

Miss MARTIN — There would be no objection to that.

The PRIME MINSTER — And form yourselves into corps and fight for your country.

Miss MARTIN — When all the men who won't fight are turned out it will be time for us to take it up.

The Rev. H. GILMORE was strongly in favour of the Government taking the Bill as the deputation suggested, because the subject had got far in advance of being treated by a private member. Something had been said about women having to fight, but women paid their portion towards the support of the army just the same as men. On the grounds of principle he could not see how any intelligent mind could oppose the extension of the franchise. The present was the most expedient time for the enfranchisement of women. There was not one social question in politics that did not interest women. There was divorce extension, education, and in fact every law bearing upon the relation of citizenship women should have a voice. The time was fit for the Government to take up this matter and secure for all that which was just and reasonable — and extension of the electoral laws, (Applause.)

The Hon. D.M CHARLESTON M. L. C., apologized for the absence of the Executive of the Trades and Labour Council, who had resolved to be present, but were absent through some neglect in not being notified as to the time of the deputation. During the late campaign the subject of women's suffrage was always received with signs of approval by the electors, and he had concluded that the time had come for women to be entitled to direct representation in the making of the laws. When they had such questions as education, divorce, and temperance, in which the women of the country should have a voice, and when they recognised that the women were the trainers of the youth from whom the future legislators were to be chosen there should be no questioning the justice of allowing them the franchise.

Miss SPENCE said that as a colonist of fifty-one years who had taken her full share in colonial life, to whom Australian politics were the very breath of her nostrils, and to whom this great country was dear to her as her very heart's blood, she thought that she had some right in agitating for freedom from the disenfranchisement from which she had suffered since she had attained her twenty-first year. She was now in her seventh decade and still had no more vote than a child of three years. She might speak, write, think. or inspire as much as she liked, and still could not put her impress upon anything beyond municipal representation, which, as a householder and ratepayer, the country had been generous enough to give her. She had been a taxpayer all these years, done her share in the work of the colony, and she thought it was only fair, as the constitutional maxim said; that those who were taxed, should be represented in the taxing body. Enfranchisement of women must come, in fact would come. It was perfectly absurd to condemn half the human race to silence upon public questions which concerned woman's happiness, her respectability, her progress, her children, and her relations all her life. It was a question whether South Australia should lead the van, as heretofore, or go lingering on, and the Hon. Thomas Playford, of whom Australia might well be proud, the deputation offered the honour to take this Woman's Suffrage Bill in hand and thus bring into this fair land of South Australia the principle of justice which they thought was as dear to his heart as it was to theirs. (Applause.)

The PRIME MINISTER replied that the question of female suffrage was brought under the notice of the Government some time ago. Two members of the Government were in favour of women's suffrage, and had been when before their constituents, while four members were opposed to it, and were opposed to it at the time they faced their constituents. The Government felt that as Mr. Caldwell had taken this matter in hand, had introduced a Bill successfully as far as the House of Assembly is concerned, and had only failed to pass it in consequence of the small attendance of members in the Legislative Council, Mr. Caldwell should go on with the work which he had successfully begun, and be allowed to reap the honours that would attach to his name on the carrying of the measure into law. That was the position of the Government in the matter, and he had already informed Mrs. Lee of it. He, however, did not want the deputation to go away thinking that he was in favour of the principle for which they were contending, because he desired to be faithful and true to his colours. He was fan to admit the force of the claims that had been advanced on the part of the ladies, especially those who possessed property of their own, who were unmarried, and who were widows. At the same time he had looked around to see if there was a country in the world which had granted women's suffrage. He had desired to ascertain what had been the effect in that part of the world where women's suffrage had been allowed. He had also asked himself whether the neighbouring parts of the world — for they should be excellent judges on the question — had been willing to adopt the principle. Wyoming, a small State of America, was the only part of the world that he knew of where female suffrage had been granted. When framing their constitution for submission to the Congress at Washington one of the Democratic members of that body proposed two short clauses which gave to women practically the same rights as men throughout the State, not only as regards political rights to vote and sit in Parliament, but to serve on Juries, &c. Singularly enough, that Bill was passed without a word, merely proposed by the member and allowed to be carried without debate — passed apparently more in joke than in real earnest. It was expected at first that the Congress at Washington would refuse the admission of the State to the Union, but when the measure referred to was brought up to Washington it was passed. This State had a constitution which had been the law for a very long time. Ladies served on Juries, served as Judges, and did a great many things which, indeed, he would not like to see ladies connected with his family doing. Just fancy sitting in the Law Courts where beastly unmentionable crimes were brought forward for trial and where in this colony we actually turned women out of Court rather than that their ears should be contaminated with the proceedings that went on. It struck him very forcibly that if the women's suffrage had been of such great benefit to this State of Wyoming the neighbouring States would not be slow to adopt it. Institutions at Boston and other parts of the States had disseminated literature and so influenced public opinion that the Legislatures of various States had passed resolutions in favour of granting women's suffrage, but in every instance the people had refused to allow the principle, notwithstanding some of these States adjoined Wyoming. Why the people did not favour the alteration of the constitution when the question was submitted to them he had been unable to find out. But he thought Miss Martin had given the real key to the solution of the matter. Miss Martin wanted a little conservative force brought into play in connection with the radicalism. Here a single conservative force would be exercised, and radicalism would stand a good deal less chance than it did now. Democrats were the very men who extended the franchise in America, but it was seen that directly they got the franchise they went on the side of the Republicans and turned out the Democrats and went in for conservatism. It seemed to him from his study of affairs that if they allowed women's suffrage there would come a conservatism of a greater extent than was hitherto the case, and it appeared that the people of the States surrounding Wyoming were frightened of it. (Laughter.) The opinion seemed to be — of course he might not be altogether right in assuming this — that these people were more advanced and democratic in their views, and that if they granted the franchise to the women of the State these advanced views of theirs would receive a check by the votes of the women of the community. But the point which he wished to impress upon the deputation was that it seemed strange that after the lapse of time this State of Wyoming had had the franchise, the neighbouring States should not have adopted it, but that on the other hand in every State in which the Legislature had been carried the question had been lost when referred to the people.

Miss MARTIN — Why not take the voice of the people in South Australia, and see what the verdict will be? You have no right to deny the people their voice in the policy of the country. (Applause.)

The PRIME MINISTER said that he could not see his way to vote for it. At the same time he was open to conviction; he would want to argue and think the matter out. (Hear, hear.) But at present he was not one of those who could see that Parliament would be warranted in giving women's suffrage. He thought South Australian women were pretty free now; there would no doubt be many drawbacks if they had the suffrage given to them.

Miss MARTIN — But we ask for it on the ground of justice.

Miss SPENCE — The greatest reform ever thought of has not wrought all the good that was expected of it. No reform ever comes without some accompanying drawbacks, but we wish to lay down the plank of justice in this question.

The PRIME MINISTER admitted that it was very hard for the women not to have a voice in the making of the laws, but there was also the question of duplicating the votes by the man and wife to be considered. He was, however, not prepared at present to say that he would support the women's suffrage in its entirety. It would be a great deal better for Mr. Caldwell to bring forward the Bill as before than that the Government should take it up, and as he told Mr. Caldwell last year, if he would stick to the Bill like a man and refuse any amendment he would support him in the third reading, and he would be quite willing to lend what help he could give as regards the passage in the Upper House.

Mr. CALDWELL in returning thanks to the Prime Minister, expressed his opinion that the extension of the franchise would come about as certain as the sun rises. The Bill would be introduced again, but it would be all the better if they found a Government sufficiently enlightened and alive to the interests of justice by merely stepping a little out of their ranks, and supporting the Bill as they ought to do.

(This report was also published in the OBSERVER 6 June 1891p 35 c, e)