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Report on Women in Parliament

On 4 May 1994 a Joint Committee of the South Australian Parliament was established to consider and report upon—

(a) the extent and reasons of any existing impediments to women standing for Parliament
(b) strategies for increasing both the number of women and the effectiveness of women in the political and electoral process
(c) the effect of Parliamentary procedure and practice on women's aspirations to, and their participation in, the South Australian Parliament.

Members of the Joint Committee were:

Ms Julie M Grieg MP (Chairperson)
The Hon Sandra M Kanck MLC
Mr Stewart Leggett MP
The Hon Carolyn A Pickles MLC
The Hon Angus J Redford MLC
Ms Lea Stevens MP

Written and verbal submissions were made by a number of individuals and organisations.

The Final Report of the Joint Committee on Women in Parliament was published as Parliamentary Paper number 209 of 1996 and is held in the State Library as part of the Parliamentary legal deposit collection. The full report of 37 pages makes for interesting reading, and some extracts from it are reproduced here with acknowledgement to the Clerk of the Parliament. In order to convey the content of the report without becoming excessively long, the extracts shown here do not always follow the original order or use the same headings as the report.

The State Library of South Australia holds all Parliamentary material published by the federal parliament and all the state parliaments, as part of the Legal Deposit provisions of the Copyright Act. This applies to Acts, Regulations under Acts, Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), Parliamentary Papers (mainly reports of parliament or government departments) and Government Gazettes. Bills are also held for the South Australian Parliament.

The Secretary of the Joint Committee was Mr Chris Schwarz, Clerk Assistant at Parliament House, who has kindly supplied an update on development and implementation of the Committee's recommendations, as at November 1997.

Why now? Current interest in women in Parliament
Other studies
The barriers
Structure in a changing society: issues of power
Preselection and quotas
Pathways to Parliament
Are our Parliaments out of step with society?
Dissenting statement [on electoral reform] by the Hon Sandra Kanck MLC
Progress on implementation of the Committee's recommendations

Why now? Current interest in women in Parliament

The early to mid 1990s have been characterised as a period of reflection in relation to women's issues. It is a time of taking stock and examining society's institutions and structures to see what ground women have gained in the hundred years or so since women's suffrage was first introduced in New Zealand and the subsequent struggles of other women throughout the world in achieving their voting rights.

It is also twenty years or so since the rise of the so-called 'second wave' of feminism and women's success in placing equal opportunities on their national legislative agendas and in the international political arena.

South Australia led the world in 1894 by becoming the first jurisdiction to grant women the right to stand for parliament. It was also the first Australian State to grant suffrage to women. Centenary celebrations which included an international conference to advance the rights of women and their role in politics, [were] held in Adelaide in October 1994. The Joint Committee on Women in Parliament was established during that year, with similar terms of reference to the Federal Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters.

Other studies

In Australia a number of studies have been carried out in the early 1990s in relation to women and power in our society. An extensive research study examining the status of women throughout Australia by the Federal House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs (the Lavarch Report) Halfway to Equal was produced in 1992.

This report considered the position of women in a number of areas, including paid and unpaid work, income security, leisure and sport, education and training and, of particular interest to the Committee, the position of women in politics. It also considered the recognition of women, women with particular needs and the relevant legislation. The report found that while women fill the ranks of the party political volunteer workers and grass-roots organising committees, as in the paid workforce they are rarely found in positions of power. Not only are women under-represented in Parliaments, but also in board rooms, and most decision making forums. In relation to Parliamentary representation, the report recommended that all political parties examine their pre-selection procedures for systemic discrimination against women, and develop appropriate affirmative action programs which would give women equal opportunity to take a greater role in the political process.

Following the Federal election in March 1993, women remained considerably under represented in the national Parliament despite widespread agreement that the barriers to women's participation should be removed. As a result, the Federal Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters was asked to explore the impediments to women standing for parliament.

Much exploratory work in this area has been carried out in Australia and overseas. By December 1993 the Federal Parliamentary Research Service had produced an annotated bibliography of the relevant research on women in politics. The bibliography lists sixteen Australian research publications on the topic from 1969 to 1993, and twenty-five international publications in the period from 1955 - a total of forty-one works.

The Standing Committee reported in May 1994. This report, Women, Elections and Parliament, recommended further monitoring of the participation by women in the electoral process and reporting on the matter from time to time.

Later that year a discussion paper for the Commonwealth-State Ministers Conference on the Status of Women, Women and Parliaments in Australia and New Zealand, was published. This explored the numbers and proportions of men and women in the Australian Federal and State and New Zealand parliaments, and made comparisons with parliaments overseas. The researchers conducted surveys, interviews and discussion groups and examined the backgrounds of members and their experiences of being a parliamentarian, in order to encourage public debate about women's participation in public life.

Six months later in March 1995, the Federal Office of the Status of Women produced an excellent and comprehensive guide designed to encourage women to stand for election, entitled Everywoman's Guide to Getting into Politics

The barriers

Traditionally parliament has been a male domain. As an institution and an integral part of the political system developed in western society, parliaments have been designed by men, for men.

Parliamentary environment
Parliamentary politics in Australia is a competitive domain which has been set up for men, by men with no regard for women and which reflects male values. In common with many other institutionalised systems, parliament is characterised by a hierarchy based on competition. It is adversarial and male.

The adversarial nature of Parliament results in behaviour with which many women feel uncomfortable. Many of the Committee's witnesses were critical about how parliamentarians behave in the Chamber. There is a perception that the loudest voice and the most truculent approach wins, and the general level of aggression has been compared to a bear-pit.

The very maleness of parliament is striking to anyone—by the sheer weight of numbers of men sitting in a parliamentary chamber. The few women gathered there appear as an anomaly and, unsurprisingly, male attitudes and behaviour prevail. Indeed in the historically male dominated world of parliamentary politics, it would be remarkable if they did not. In Australian parliaments, where most of the Members come from an English-speaking background, the attitudes reflect an Anglo-Celtic male view of the world. Alternative perspectives have not been accorded the same value and as a result have tended to be marginalised.

Work patterns also reflect the traditional male view of work. Parliaments often do not sit until after lunch, and as a general rule continue until well into the evening. Late night sittings not uncommonly continue into the small hours. It would be extremely difficult, if not impossible for a person who has a day to day responsibility for running a family, to be able to combine this with the job of being an elected member. The system was not designed to cater for the 'private' sphere of family life. Hence the very notion that working patterns should be compatible with the responsibility for family members - not scheduling sitting days during the school holidays for example - has hardly been likely as a topic for consideration.

Dual roles: family and Parliament
One of the most entrenched divisions between the sexes in our society is the division of labour on the basis of gender. Although what counts as women's work and what counts as men's work varies considerably from one society to another, the distinctions between work that is more appropriately done by one or other sex have traditionally been clear cut.

The last two decades have seen many changes in the labour market, the most marked of which has been the increasing numbers of women who now make up the paid workforce. Although women may be entering and re-entering the world of work, relatively few are taking up parliamentary careers. Why should this be?

Part of the reason is that women have not given up their domestic responsibilities in proportion to entering "the public sphere". Although historically young women have been active in the labour market, traditionally they have left work on marriage or prior to the birth of the first child. So what is new today is the numbers of mothers who are working outside the home. Yet despite some attitudinal changes, many Australian families still regard the prime responsibility for looking after the family as the mother's job, rather than something to be shared between both parents.

When to make a career move into Parliament?
The Committee heard further evidence to this effect. One submission argued that:

'Women have long grappled with the question - "do I make this career move before I have children/husband/responsibilities, or when the children have grown up?" At 45, a woman still has 20 years to give to Parliamentary service, but often the public perception is that she is "past her prime".'

This latter point was taken up in more detail by another witness. She explained that leaders are emerging at a younger age than in the past, and a woman who has taken time out to raise a family may be at a disadvantage when she begins a parliamentary career later in life. As she stated:

The 'wait 'til your children are grown up theory' is alright if a woman had her children in her early twenties because she would be in a position to go into Parliament in her early forties. For a woman having children in her thirties, this puts her entry into Parliament in her fifties. There are always exceptions, but generally speaking another trend has been for younger Ministers and Leaders. If a woman enters Parliament in her fifties, by the time she establishes herself and works her way up the ranks, she may be considered too old to take on senior Ministries or the Leadership.

Structure in a changing society: issues of power

There can be no doubt that the introduction of changes to encourage women to take up a greater role has wider implications and long term effects. It is also true that the impetus for such changes has been a long time in coming. Further, where changes to encourage women have been conceived, many have been blocked before implementation. The gender imbalance among parliamentarians is arguably much worse than a simple reflection of the nature of society at large. But nonetheless, society still remains male dominated and the issue of power is central to an understanding of this.

To understand this better we need to appreciate that the gendered division of labour in society is not necessarily a balanced, equal division. The 'private sphere' of a woman's world has traditionally never been accorded the status and prestige of the 'public' world of men. The public sphere has after all been the domain in which major decisions affecting the wheels of industry and the politics of the day are made. When women have entered and re-entered the world of work, the way in which labour has been divided has ensured that men's work and women's work has been 'appropriately' allocated along gender lines.

It is notable that of all OECD countries, Australia has the most marked division of its workforce based on gender. This gender segregation at work occurs both vertically and horizontally. Many people recognise the existence of the 'glass ceiling' which prevents women from pursuing and achieving promotion through their chosen career structures, and which results in a disproportionate representation of women at the lower ends of the hierarchy with few at the top.

This of course means that the power holders and decision makers are still overwhelmingly men. In Australia they are still overwhelmingly of an Anglo-Celtic background or environment (Office of Multicultural Affairs, 1989) and as such, hold a male, Anglo-Celtic view of the world. Historically this has led to a lack of the consideration of all the relevant issues in decision-making, as viewpoints held by women and people from other backgrounds have not had a chance to be represented.

But as well as vertical segregation, horizontal segregation into men's and women's work also has implications for the issues of power. We have traditionally seen women's exclusion from certain areas, not simply because these areas have been the domain of men, but also because these areas have carried more clout as a result. One of the interesting things that crosscultural studies have shown is that more often than not what counts as women's work and what counts as men's work varies considerably between one society and another. What counts as valuable is often based as much on the gender of those who do the work as any intrinsic importance of the work itself. The evidence suggests that most paid work performed by men is considered important, whereas most paid work performed by women is not. It is only in the last decade or so that women have been able to make inroads in such male domains as the trades (other than hairdressing) and science in any numbers. The formal barriers may have been removed much earlier, but resistance to power-sharing is never easy to break, and the road to true equality it seems, is a long one.

The pioneering role provided by the first generation of women parliamentarians has provided leadership to increasing numbers of women taking place in public life in the last two decades or so. But it does need to be recognised that much still needs to be done to change the power structures in our society. A democratic society cannot maintain a 'separate space' which serves as a mechanism for a power elite in public life. Practices, style and facilities need to become more user-friendly if we are to successfully recruit capable and competent women into society's leadership ranks.

Power, parties and preselection
No matter how much women's dual roles as workers and home-makers and mothers is catered for, the question of who makes decisions and the surrounding issues of power remain central. One of the central issues of power so far as standing for parliament is concerned, is the decision as to who is to be selected to stand as a candidate for the political party at the next election.

In Australia things were more clear cut in those days [the 1970s]. During the mid 1970s women candidates were seen as a liability, and political parties openly expressed that sentiment. Evidence given to the Committee suggested that while the community may have been prepared to elect women to parliaments, the party organisations were not ready for this. A former Senator argued that when she first ran for the Senate in 1975, there was an expressed fear that she would not gain the required one third plus one votes to win a seat, and that by winning the preselection, she had put her party's chances of ensuring a Senate seat at risk. As she stated:

'The party organisations were more conservative than the electorate turned out to be on the acceptability of candidates. If you cannot get preselection, the next move is impossible and that has been a major problem.'

One of the principal reasons that political parties have been slow in selecting women as candidates has been the belief that electors-particularly female electors-do not vote for women.

The Committee heard evidence from an academic with expertise in this area that there was currently no research data to justify this view. However it was still held by the major political parties that women will not vote for women candidates.

Another witness considered that voters probably did not particularly care whether they voted for a male or female candidate. He suggested that the party vote largely overrides gender considerations and consequently entrenches whatever male dominance exists in the major parties.

However, it is also clear that there are more easily identifiable systems and procedural barriers which if tackled directly and changed would have direct results. It appears to be the considered view of many of the people who gave evidence to the Committee that among all barriers to women's entry to Parliament, the Party preselection systems have been the major barrier. What initiatives have been taken to overcome this in Australia, is considered in the next section.

Preselection and quotas

In Australia as elsewhere, each of the major political parties has its own system for the preselection of election candidates. All parties have different views on whether or not their system should be changed to become more inclusive of women. The question of quotas for women candidates is topical and has recently been the subject of debate.

Within the last two years, the Australian Labor Party has introduced a quota policy which is designed to achieve a target of at least 35 per cent of female MPs in State and Federal Parliaments by the year 2002. A training system is also in operation. By contrast, the Liberal Party has no immediate plans to introduce a quota system, preferring a system of training, encouragement and support for women as potential candidates. The Australian Democrats already have an equal gender balance among parliamentarians and hence feel no need for action on their preselection procedures.

For some, the introduction of a quota system is seen as the only way of correcting the gender distortion in Australian parliaments. For others, quotas are nothing more than reverse discrimination and make a mockery of the merit principle.

Safe Seats, Marginal Seats
No matter how equal the party preselection process, the key to successful election ultimately depends on the winning of votes and this depends to a very large extent on the particular electorate for which the candidate is preselected. Although it has been seen as something of an apprenticeship, many observers consider that the practice of selecting women candidates for unwinnable seats does nothing for promoting women into parliament.

Historically women have not been preselected for safe seats in anything like the same proportion as male candidates. Indeed the first time a woman was preselected for a safe seat in the Federal House of Representatives did not occur until 1990. During the March 1993 Federal election, 55 per cent of the seats were considered safe, and the Australian Election study research (Jones et al, 1993) shows that men were over three times more likely to be standing for a safe seat than women.

Public support—trust funds and networks for women
Conducting an electoral campaign can be an expensive business. Funding of parliamentary candidates for the costs of election campaigning varies in Australia from one State to another. Federal candidates and those standing for election in New South Wales and the ACT receive public funding if they win a relatively small proportion of votes, but there is no such system in the other States. However candidates are likely to receive funding from the party they represent, although Independent candidates are left to find their own resources. There is no special funding available to women.

Recognising that the expense of election campaigning is in itself a disincentive to many women who generally have less money than men, trust funds for women have been set up in some countries. Emily's List is a trust fund established through public subscription in Britain for Labour Party women candidates. .....Other types of support for women include non party-affiliated organisations whose goals are directed towards getting women into parliaments. The 300 Group in the UK is one such organisation. It has a network of local branches and conducts training at all levels of political development with the declared aim of achieving 50 per cent female representation in the British Parliament by the year 2000. Another British initiative is a campaign established by British women MPs to arouse the interest of women to enter politics. The 'Women into Politics' campaign also focuses on the education of young women in schools and universities as to how politics effects their chances in life and to stimulate their participation.

In Australia the Women's Electoral Lobby is a feminist non-party organisation established in 1972 to raise the profile of women's issues in the political arena. As a lobby group it seeks to raise awareness of matters affecting women and families, but its central aim is not directly to seek to increase the numbers of women in parliaments. Most of the Australian political parties run training courses for candidates, but there is no non party-affiliated group offering such support.

The Australian Women's Party, established in September 1995, contested a Federal election in 1996 for the first time. Its progress will be watched with interest.

Pathways to Parliament

International studies suggest that there are connections between selection for political representation and patterns of employment.

Lawyers are prominent in most countries, usually making up to 15 to 25 per cent of national legislators, rising to half of all representatives in the USA (Putnam 1976; Davidson and Eleszek 1981, Norris, 1987). Academics, teachers, journalists and businessmen are overrepresented in parliaments, compared with their numbers in their national populations.

Two particular characteristics of these kinds of jobs are relevant in elected office. First are the practitioner skills such as expertise and confidence in public speaking, knowledge of government and familiarity with the law, and second the flexibility which offers scope for a combination of a long term professional career with the uncertainties and demands of elected office (Norris 1979). The literature suggests that as increasing numbers of women enter professions such as the law, the media and business, they are more likely to figure among those recruited for political office.

Are our Parliaments out of step with society?

This committee has heard plenty of evidence to suggest that while gender discrimination issues may be being adddressed within society, within parliaments they are not. We can conclude that an extremely complex interaction of political, culutral, institutional and socio-economic factors are at work. But it is possible to identify three major hurdles and the particular obstances they present for women:—

  • Hurdle one—deciding to stand

  • Hurdle two—getting selected as a candidate

  • Hurdle three—the voting procedures

Two major factors can be identified from these three hurdles. One is that parliament does not reflect the make-up of Australian society. The second is that a vicious circle is operating—as long as the major players remain committed to maintaining the current system, many women who have much to contribute will view the system as abhorrent and channel their talent and energies elsewhere.

One of the major tasks, altering male attitudes, will only succeed once more inroads have been made on a number of fronts. In such a competitive system power-holders will not willingly relinquish what they have 'won'.


The Committee acknowledges that many in the community do not fully understand the workings of Parliament and fail to perceive themselves as empowered by the democratic process. For women to become empowered, they need to have an understanding of the roles of the levels of government and how this relates to them as individuals, their families and their daily lives. One way of achieving this is through the school system.

1. The Committee therefore recommends that the government supports the introduction into the South Australian school system of a gender neutral, non-partisan program of civics and citizenship education for both primary and secondary school students. [Continued in more detail, but omitted here.]
2. The Committee believes that the next generation of South Australian men and women will become empowered to take charge of their affairs through local community organisations and organisations with a broader base. The Committee therefore recommends that the government encourage, within the South Australian school system, debating skills and an understanding of the procedure for conducting meetings and holding discussions, so that primary and secondary students learn the operation and the value of forums.
3. The Committee commends the current practice in some schools of holding elections for office among its student population and recommends that the govenment further encourages such education and empowerment of its students in such a way that a gender balance is established and maintained.
4. The Committee also commends the 'Youth Parliament' initiative, by which a mock Parliament is held within Parliament House by South Australian students to educate young people and encourage them to participate in the political process. [Continued in more detail, but omitted here.]

The Committee heard evidence that for a variety of reasons, women fail to consider a Parliamentary career as an option they could take up. Although some of this is no doubt due to lack of knowledge, which education in Civics would remedy for the next generation, the Committee feels that more widespread promotion of the advantages to and for women standing as Parliamentary candidates is called for. Consequently the Committee recommends that—
5. The Committee recommends that the Government directs the Office for the Status of Women to develop initiatives to encourage women to stand as elected representatives at Federal, State and Local Government.

6. The Committee notes that there is currently a data bank of women qualified for Appointive Office, but that its existence is not particularly widely known. The Committee therefore recommends that the data bank be widely publicised and circulated to appropriate bodies.

7. The Committee recommends that the Federal Government designates the cost of childcare as a fully tax-deductable campaign expense.

8. The Committee recommends that political parties be encouraged to reform outdated structures, selection procedures and attitudes to ensure the removal of barriers preventing women from fully participating in political life. The Committee suggests that this may require such measures as rule changes, reassessment of meeting times, provision of childcare facilities, reassessment of the qualities and qualifications desirable for party and parliamentary office.

9. The Committee also recognises that the costs associated with preselection and campaigning can be prohibitive for women. It consequently recommends that special funds be established to assist women candidates with the costs associated with preselection and campaigning, wherever appropriate.

10. The Committee notes that 'candidate training' is offered by political parties to those selected to run as candidates. However, the Committee recommends to the major political parties that further special education and training be made available for men and women. As men and women tend to be treated differently in political circumstances, the skills needed in debating and in dealing with the media are different for men and women, which makes special training for women particularly necessary. The Committee also feels that strategic, although not necessarily party-political, training in Parliamentary committee work and speaking on the floor of the house would be of great advantage to women who are selected as candidates.

11. The Committee recommends that community debate on electoral reform be encouraged with a view to achieving equal numbers of men and women as elected representatives.

[There was a dissenting statement from recommendation 11 by the Hon Sandra Kanck MLC of the Australian Democrats at the end of the report, relating to proportional representation.]

12. The Committee recommends that the Standing Orders Committee of the Legislative Council revise its Standing Orders so that the language used is gender-neutral.

13. The Committee recommends that the Speaker and the President be prevailed upon to apply the Standing Orders with care to avoid inappropriate displays of behaviour which can be off-putting to the public, particularly women.

14. The Committee notes the Federal Parliamentary Committee System whereby Bills are put before a Legislation Committee for discussion and debate. This system reduces adversarial politics and encourages more open and larger debate. The Committee recommends to the Standing Orders Committees of both Houses, that they investigate the greater use of the Parliament's Committees to facilitate the legislative process.

15. The Committee notes that a Family Impact Statement is prepared on Bills discussed in Parliament. The Committee fully supports the preparation of such Statements, and, so that the impact of legislation on families and women in the community can be fully debated, recommends that where a Family Impact Statement relates to a Bill introduced into the Parliament, details of it should be referred to in the second reading speech.

16. The Committee feels that Parliament should lead by example and therefore recommends that the Parliament should adopt measures to redress the imbalance of men and women in senior staff positions in the Parliament until such time as there is equal representation of women and men in these positions.

The Committee heard conflicting evidence of the coverage of the Equal Opportunity Act 1984 in relation to sexual harassment. One body of evidence contends that the Act does apply to sexual harassment of Members of Parliament by fellow Members. Another body of evidence maintains that local government representatives and State Members of Parliament are exempt from the sexual harassment provisions.

17. The Committee feels that elected representatives at all levels of government should be offered the same protection and have the same obligations as other members of the community and recommends that the Attorney-General seeks advice to clarify this matter.
18. If it transpires that elected representatives are not protected under the Act, then the Committee recommends that the legislation be amended.
19. As the media plays a huge role in shaping public opinion, the Committee recommends that these organisations pay greater attention to serious coverage of political issues rather than political personalities and conflicts. The Committee recommends media organisations ensure that individual journalists covering politics have an adequate knowledge of the political processes and an heightened awareness of sex discrimination issues in media presentation.

Five recommendations were made in the Committee's Interim report of March 1995. These were—
1. Parliament investigate with other organisations, (such as the Casino, Adelaide College of TAFE, which also have later working hours) the feasibility of joint child care facilities;
2. During the current refurbishment of Parliament House, urgent consideration be given to the allocation of space within the parliamentary building for a room or suite of rooms in which Members could meet with their families;
3. Strategic planning should also take place to ensure that adequate consideration is given to the future needs of members and their families;
4. The system of the days of sitting, and the sitting hours be changed to make them more suitable for Members with family responsibilities. Due consideration should be given to school holidays in the organisation of sitting days, and later night sittings should be avoided;
5. Recommendations 1 and 2 be referred to the Joint Parliamentary Services Committee and Recommendation 4 be referred to the Standing Orders Committee of each House to explore how they can best be implemented and to report back to its respective House.

The Committee is dismayed to find that although these recommendations were made over a year ago, no action appears to have yet been taken. The Committe can only infer from this lack of response that both the position of women in the State Parliament and their needs, are today accorded as low a priority as ever.

20. The Committee recommends once again that the action specified in the recommendations of the Interim Report be taken.

Dissenting statement from Recommendation 11 on electoral reform by the Hon Sandra Kanck MLC

[Recommendation 11 relates to electoral reform. It reads— The Committee recommends that community debate on electoral reform be encouraged with a view to achieving equal numbers of men and women as elected representatives.]

'As to the electoral process, I am convinced that proportional representation (PR) is the answer to many issues about minority representation. Minorities can achieve representation through PR. The only problem is that both major parties are utterly opposed to PR.'

'Political parties want what will serve them best.'

Dr Dean Jaensch—evidence to the Committee.

While the Committee is recommending action in a number of areas, the one area in which it could have the greatest impact, electoral reform, has been sidelined.

This is despite substantial evidence being received, both in written and spoken form, which indicated that voting systems play a significant part in the election of women to parliament. Table 3 within the body of the Report clearly demonstrates (with the exception of WA) the more positive result achieved for women throughout Australia where a proportional representation system has been used compared to single member electorates.

Our own State Parliament has 19% representation by women in the House of Assembly, to which members are elected via a single member electorate system, while in the Legislative Council, to which members are elected by a proportional representation system, women make up 27% of the numbers.

Joseph Zimmerman states:

Gross underrepresentation of minority poitical parties and groups, and women, is a typical feature of most legislative bodies throughout the world. The single member district system generally is responsible for the underrepresentation.

Limited voting, cumulative voting, and the two types of proportional representation each can provide better representation for all political parties, ethnic groups and women. Only the single transferable vote type of representation, however, provides such broad representation with great accuracy...

The submission from the Electoral Reform Society of South Australia also supported proportional representation. It recommended that the Legislative Council should continue to be elected by the current method, but the House of Assembly should be changed to multi-member electorates, using the proportional representation system, electing either seven members to each of seven seats or nine members to each of five seats.

A draft report by the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians Group Task Force states that "Countries which have adopted a form of proportional representation (PR) consistently elect more women than countries with single-Member plurality systems or first-past-the-post (FPTP) systems such as Canada's".

The Joint Committee of Women in Parliament is recommending to political parties they should take action both in regard to training and preselection suggesting, for instance, that political parties' preselection panels should have equal male/female representation. However, political parties are under no obligation to the Parliament to do anything in response to such a recommendation. Neither will the reform of parliamentary procedure alter the internal decision-making of political parties when it comes to their decisions about "safe" seats.

The only recommendation which can make any significant difference in terms of parliamentary action is to move towards a system of proportional representation for the House of Assembly

This dissenting statement recommends that the Government encourage community debate on electoral reform, including the best structure for a system of proportional representation for the House of Assembly, with a view to achieving equal numbers of men and women in the Parliament.

Progress on implementation of the Committee's recommendations

The Secretary of the Committee, Mr Chris Schwarz has provided a summary of progress toward implementation of the Committee's recommendations as at November 1997. Some recommendations were outside the scope of the Parliament to address, and in these cases the name of the agency who can provide further information is given. Chris Schwarz can be contacted at Parliament House, Adelaide on telephone number 61 - 8 - 8237 9308.

7.1 Government Action - Political Education

Progress is unclear with regard to Recommendations 1, 2 and 3 in this section as these recommendations call on the Government to implement programs and policies, and Parliament has had no input into or advice on any developments. The Education Department would be the responsible agency in relation to developments in the implementation of Recommendations 1, 2 and 3.

As to Recommendation 4, relevant information is that the Parliament shares the services of an Education Officer with the Courts and at this stage this officer's role has not been expanded on nor have additional resources been allocated to the position.

The Youth Parliament mentioned in the preamble to the recommendation has continued to be held with great success.

7.2 Government Action - Promotion of Women as Parliamentary Candidates

These recommendations call on the Government to take action, rather than Parliament. The Office of the Status of Women would be the government agency able to provide more details.

7.3 Political Parties - Preselection Campaigning and Training

These recommendations are directed at political parties and their policies and procedures, and the major parties would be able to provide details as to their positions on these matters.

7.4 Electoral Reform

While, in the light of the recent South Australian State Election in 1997, community debate on electoral reform continues to occur, there has been little or no formal approach to encouraging debate on electoral reform with a view to achieving equal numbers of men and women as elected representatives.

7.5 Parliamentary Procedures

With regard to Recommendation 12, the House of Assembly made its Standing Orders gender neutral in 1990. At this stage the Standing Orders of the Legislative Council have not been altered.

Recommendation 13 calls on the Presiding Officers to apply the Standing Orders in a certain manner and the implementation of this recommendation rests solely on their shoulders.

To this date the Standing Orders Committees of both Houses have not met to discuss Recommendation 14 concerning the use of the Parliament's Committees to facilitate the legislative process. It is worth noting, however, that from time to time Bills may be referred to either Select or Standing Committees for investigation. A notable recent example of this process involved the Voluntary Euthanasia Bill.

There is uncertainty as to whether Family Impact Statements which relate to a Bill are still prepared but can advise that there has been no formal practice adopted of referring to these statements in the second reading speech relating to a Bill.

7.6 Parliamentary Action - Affirmative Action

The Legislative Council is currently served by an equal number of men and women in senior staff positions. The House of Assembly currently has more men than women in senior positions but appoints individuals on the basis of merit while being mindful of the current imbalance. Recent changes to some senior staff positions within the Parliament has seen male predecessors replaced by females.

7.7 Equal Opportunity Act 1984 and Sexual Harassment

In 1997 the Equal Opportunity Act 1984 was amended to include a specific provision dealing with acts of sexual harassment by Members of Parliament, members of the Judiciary and members of Local Councils. As a result of the amendments it is now unlawful for a Member of Parliament to subject to sexual harassment:

  • a member of his or her staff

  • a member of the staff of another Member of Parliament;

  • an officer or member of the staff of the Parliament; or

  • any other person who in the course of employment performs duties at Parliament House.

In bringing the conduct of Members of Parliament at Parliament House within the terms of the Act, consideration was given to the role of the Commissioner for Equal Opportunity and the relationship between the exercise of the Commissioner's powers and Parliamentary Privilege.

The Act specifically states that anything said or done in the course of parliamentary proceedings is excluded from the operation of the Act. The Act recognises the risk that in dealing with a complaint against a Member of Parliament the Commissioner may impinge on Parliamentary Privilege. Therefore a special procedure has been provided to deal with complaints against Members of Parliament.

7.8 Recommendations made in the Committee's Interim Report

Recommendations 1 and 2 concerning child care and family facilities within Parliament House were referred to the Joint Parliamentary Services Committee. Due to a lack of space the Parliament was unable to provide an exclusive specialised area for families within Parliament House.

Consideration has been given to school holidays in the organisation of recent and future sitting days. The Parliament has made an effort to reduce late night sittings in recent times although these issues are often subject to political uncertainty.


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